Reformation Prolegomena: PRRD I.96-108
2.3 The Reformation and Its Theological Presuppositions (96-108)
A. Roots of the Reformation and the Early Reformers (96-103)
1. Reformation and issues of prolegomena: the case of Luther (96-99)
“The theology of the Reformation, in its doctrinal statements and in its presuppositions, stands as both the rejection of the late medieval theological world and as a direct outgrowth of that world, dependent in large measure upon the medieval science of theology for insight into the nature of the theological task” (96-97).
We must remember that while the Reformation sought to reformulate individual doctrines such as justification, it maintained many of the theological formulations of western Trinitarian orthodoxy and thoroughgoing Augustinianism. Muller points to at least two developments that can be traced back to the Luther. The first concerns the Protestant doctrine of Scripture. Before the Reformation, a scripture principle was operative in the early and medieval church but not a formal doctrine of Scripture had developed. Muller contends that the development of an orthodox doctrine of Scripture can be traced back to Luther’s famous statement at the Diet of Worms in 1521 where the fallibility of human authority and the Bible as the ground for theology were clearly affirmed. A scripture revolution was born.
Another development Muller points to is Luther’s division between a theology of glory (theologia gloriae) and a theology of cross (theologia crucis) in the Heidelberg Disputation. With a measure of disgust for early scholastic and Aristotelian approaches to theology, Luther gleaned from Scotist and nominalists thought ‘a sense of the rift between theology in itself and theology in fact – the epistemological restriction of the theologia viatorum – but radically altered it’ (99). In this distinction Muller finds the ‘proximate source’ of Calvin’s twofold knowledge of God.
2. Melanchthon and theological prolegomena (100-102)
Contrary to Luther’s somewhat ‘nonsystematic’ approach to theology, Melanchthon provides a more positive take on theological method in the prefaces to the various editions of his Loci Communes (1521) and in his discussion on the doctrine of God. For example, he notes that way of theology (methodus theologiae) must be organized according to the scripturae series (God, sin, redemption, law, promise, etc) and that the historic creeds provide ‘architectonic models for theological system’ (100).
In his essays Brevis discendae theologiae ratio (c. 1530), Melanchthon outlines a plan for biblical study which begins with Romans and moves into the epistles and Gospels (ending with John) and ending with reading the Old Testament. For Melanchthon, Scripture was the foundation for theology. Thus Muller concludes, “Melanchthon’s Loci communes prepared the way, from a methodological perspective, for the fundamentally biblical and exegetical model, centered on the message of Romans, that became one of the most significant for both Lutheran and Reformed dogmatics in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and that establishes a fundamental point of distinction between the method of Protestant theology and the method of the medieval commentators on the Sentences” (101).
3. The contributions of Zwingli and Bucer (102-103)
Both Zwingli (in his De vera et falsa religione commentarius, 1524) and Bucer (in his Summarischer Vergiff, 1548) address on the most important issues of prolegomena: the effects of sin on the knowledge of God.
B. Presuppositions and Principles in the Era of Calvin and His Contemporaries (103-108)
1. Calvin and Viret (103-105)
The successive editions of Calvin’s Institutes from 1536 to 1559 change from a catechetical manual to a summary of Christian life and doctrine. In earlier editions (from 1543-1550) topics were arranged in large part according to loci extrapolated from Romans in the Melanchthon manner. In the final edition Calvin structured his work roughly according to the Apostles’ Creed but included the important theme of his duplex cognitio Dei (Knowledge of God the Creator and Knowledge of God the Redeemer). But even more than Calvin’s Institutes, the Loci communes by Vermigli-Massonius and Musculus clearly delineate a locus method of theological organisation and set the agenda for the future of orthodox structuring of theology. Another important character is Lausanne Reformer Pierre Viret. Although not as popular or well-know as Calvin, Vermigli, and Musculus, he wrote in a more popular, vernacular style.
2. Vermigli and Musculus (105-107)
“Musculus provides further insight into the early Reformed contribution to theological prolegomena. Like Calvin and Vermigli, he manifests an epistemological concern, and more like Vermigli than Calvin, he notes a certain philosophical and theological complexity to the problem of natural knowledge of God” (107).
3. Hyperius (107-108)
His posthumous work Methodi theologiae (1568) is the only second generation Reformation writing to produce a ‘formal, methodological prolegomenon’ and provide a clear rationale for theological system and organization.
Muller makes the following conclusions:
1. Early Protestant reflection upon theological prolegomena did not completely establish a uniform method for organizing a theological system.
2. Early Protestant reflection upon theological prolegomena does anticipate later developments by the Reformed orthodox.
3. Early Protestant reflection upon theological prolegomena provides ‘a useful gauge’ of the development of Reformed orthodoxy and its continuity with the Reformation.
4. The greatest contribution of the early Reformation to theological prolegomena was its reflection upon the problem of knowledge of God and human finitude and sin.
A. Roots of the Reformation and the Early Reformers (96-103)
1. Reformation and issues of prolegomena: the case of Luther (96-99)
“The theology of the Reformation, in its doctrinal statements and in its presuppositions, stands as both the rejection of the late medieval theological world and as a direct outgrowth of that world, dependent in large measure upon the medieval science of theology for insight into the nature of the theological task” (96-97).
We must remember that while the Reformation sought to reformulate individual doctrines such as justification, it maintained many of the theological formulations of western Trinitarian orthodoxy and thoroughgoing Augustinianism. Muller points to at least two developments that can be traced back to the Luther. The first concerns the Protestant doctrine of Scripture. Before the Reformation, a scripture principle was operative in the early and medieval church but not a formal doctrine of Scripture had developed. Muller contends that the development of an orthodox doctrine of Scripture can be traced back to Luther’s famous statement at the Diet of Worms in 1521 where the fallibility of human authority and the Bible as the ground for theology were clearly affirmed. A scripture revolution was born.
Another development Muller points to is Luther’s division between a theology of glory (theologia gloriae) and a theology of cross (theologia crucis) in the Heidelberg Disputation. With a measure of disgust for early scholastic and Aristotelian approaches to theology, Luther gleaned from Scotist and nominalists thought ‘a sense of the rift between theology in itself and theology in fact – the epistemological restriction of the theologia viatorum – but radically altered it’ (99). In this distinction Muller finds the ‘proximate source’ of Calvin’s twofold knowledge of God.
2. Melanchthon and theological prolegomena (100-102)
Contrary to Luther’s somewhat ‘nonsystematic’ approach to theology, Melanchthon provides a more positive take on theological method in the prefaces to the various editions of his Loci Communes (1521) and in his discussion on the doctrine of God. For example, he notes that way of theology (methodus theologiae) must be organized according to the scripturae series (God, sin, redemption, law, promise, etc) and that the historic creeds provide ‘architectonic models for theological system’ (100).
In his essays Brevis discendae theologiae ratio (c. 1530), Melanchthon outlines a plan for biblical study which begins with Romans and moves into the epistles and Gospels (ending with John) and ending with reading the Old Testament. For Melanchthon, Scripture was the foundation for theology. Thus Muller concludes, “Melanchthon’s Loci communes prepared the way, from a methodological perspective, for the fundamentally biblical and exegetical model, centered on the message of Romans, that became one of the most significant for both Lutheran and Reformed dogmatics in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and that establishes a fundamental point of distinction between the method of Protestant theology and the method of the medieval commentators on the Sentences” (101).
3. The contributions of Zwingli and Bucer (102-103)
Both Zwingli (in his De vera et falsa religione commentarius, 1524) and Bucer (in his Summarischer Vergiff, 1548) address on the most important issues of prolegomena: the effects of sin on the knowledge of God.
B. Presuppositions and Principles in the Era of Calvin and His Contemporaries (103-108)
1. Calvin and Viret (103-105)
The successive editions of Calvin’s Institutes from 1536 to 1559 change from a catechetical manual to a summary of Christian life and doctrine. In earlier editions (from 1543-1550) topics were arranged in large part according to loci extrapolated from Romans in the Melanchthon manner. In the final edition Calvin structured his work roughly according to the Apostles’ Creed but included the important theme of his duplex cognitio Dei (Knowledge of God the Creator and Knowledge of God the Redeemer). But even more than Calvin’s Institutes, the Loci communes by Vermigli-Massonius and Musculus clearly delineate a locus method of theological organisation and set the agenda for the future of orthodox structuring of theology. Another important character is Lausanne Reformer Pierre Viret. Although not as popular or well-know as Calvin, Vermigli, and Musculus, he wrote in a more popular, vernacular style.
2. Vermigli and Musculus (105-107)
“Musculus provides further insight into the early Reformed contribution to theological prolegomena. Like Calvin and Vermigli, he manifests an epistemological concern, and more like Vermigli than Calvin, he notes a certain philosophical and theological complexity to the problem of natural knowledge of God” (107).
3. Hyperius (107-108)
His posthumous work Methodi theologiae (1568) is the only second generation Reformation writing to produce a ‘formal, methodological prolegomenon’ and provide a clear rationale for theological system and organization.
Muller makes the following conclusions:
1. Early Protestant reflection upon theological prolegomena did not completely establish a uniform method for organizing a theological system.
2. Early Protestant reflection upon theological prolegomena does anticipate later developments by the Reformed orthodox.
3. Early Protestant reflection upon theological prolegomena provides ‘a useful gauge’ of the development of Reformed orthodoxy and its continuity with the Reformation.
4. The greatest contribution of the early Reformation to theological prolegomena was its reflection upon the problem of knowledge of God and human finitude and sin.
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